Elliot’s Debates: Volume 4

Convention of North Carolina

Friday, August 1, 1788.

The Convention met according to adjournment.

Mr. IREDELL. Mr. President: 1 believe, sir, all debate is now at an end. It is useless to contend any longer against a majority that is irresistible. We submit, with the deference that becomes us, to the decision of a majority; but my friends and myself are anxious that something may appear on the Journal to show our sentiments on the subject. I have therefore a resolution in my hand to offer, not with a view of creating any debate, (for I know it will be instantly rejected,) but merely that it may be entered on the Journal, with the yeas and nays taken upon it, in order that our constituents and the world may know what our opinions really were on this important occasion. We prefer this to the exceptionable mode of a protest, which might increase the spirit of party animosity among the people of this country, which is an event we wish to prevent, if possible. I therefore, sir, have the honor of moving—

“That the consideration of the report of the committee be postponed, in order to take up the consideration of the following resolution.”

Mr. IREDELL then read the resolution in his place, and afterwards delivered it in at the clerk’s table, and his motion was seconded by Mr. JOHN SKINNER.

Mr. JOSEPH M’DOWALL, and several other gentlemen, most strongly objected against the propriety of this motion. They thought it improper, unprecedented, and a great contempt of the voice of the majority.

Mr. IREDELL replied, that he thought it perfectly regular, and by no means a contempt of the majority. The sole intention of it was to show the opinion of the minority, which could not, in any other manner, be so properly done. They wished to justify themselves to their constituents, and the people at large would judge between the merits of the two propositions. They wished also to avoid, if possible, the disagreeable alternative of a protest. This being the first time he ever had the honor of being a member of a representative body, he did not solely confide in his own judgment, as to the proper manner of bringing his resolution forward, but had consulted a very respectable and experienced member of that house, who recommended this method to him; and he well knew it was conformable to a frequent practice in Congress, as he had observed by their Journals. Each member had an equal right to make a motion, and if seconded, a vote ought to be taken upon it; and he trusted the majority would not be so arbitrary as to prevent them from taking this method to deliver their sentiments to the world.

He was supported by Mr. MACLAINE and Mr. SPAIGHT.

Mr. WILLIE JONES and Mr. SPENCER insisted on its being irregular, and said they might protest. Mr. Jones said, there never was an example of the kind before; that such a practice did not prevail in Congress when he was a member of it, and he well knew no such practice had ever prevailed. in the Assembly.

Mr. DAVIE said, he was sorry that gentlemen should not deal fairly and liberally with one another. He declared it was perfectly parliamentary, and the usual practice in Congress. They were in possession of the motion, and could not get rid of it without taking a vote upon it. It was in the nature of a previous question. He declared that nothing hurt his feelings so much as the blind tyranny of a dead majority.

After a warm discussion on this point by several gentlemen on both sides of the house, it was at length intimated to Mr. Iredell, by Mr. Spaight, across the house, that Mr. Lenoir, mid some other gentlemen of the majority, wished he would withdraw his motion for the present, on purpose that the resolution of the committee might be first entered on the Journal, which had not been done; and afterwards his motion might be renewed. Mr. Iredell declared he would readily agree to this, if the gentleman who had seconded him would, desiring the house to remember that he only withdrew his motion for that reason, and hoped he should have leave to introduce it afterwards; which seemed to be understood. He accordingly, with the consent of Mr. Skinner, withdrew his motion; and the resolution of the committee of the whole house as then read, and ordered to be entered on the Journal. The resolution was accordingly read and entered, as follows, viz.:—

Resolved, That a declaration of rights, asserting and securing from encroachment the great principles of civil and religious liberty, and the unalienable rights of the people, together with amendments to the most ambiguous and exceptionable parts of the said Constitution of government, ought to be laid before Congress, and the convention of the states that shall or may be called for the purpose of amending the said Constitution, for their consideration, previous to the ratification of the Constitution aforesaid on the part of the state of North Carolina.”

Declaration of Rights.

  1. “That there are certain natural rights, of which men, when they form a social compact, cannot deprive or divest their posterity, among which are the enjoyment of life and liberty, with the means of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property, and pursuing and obtaining happiness and safety.
  2. “That all power is naturally vested in, and consequently derived from, the people; that magistrates, therefore, are their trustees and agents, and at all times amenable to them.
  3. “That government ought to be instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security, of the people; and that the doctrine of non-resistance against arbitrary power and oppression is absurd, slavish, and destructive to the good and happiness of mankind.
  4. “That no man or set of men are entitled to exclusive or separate public emoluments or privileges from the community, but in consideration of public services, which not being descendible, neither ought the offices of magistrate, legislator, or judge, or any other public office to be hereditary.
  5. “That the legislative, executive, and judiciary powers of government should be separate and distinct, and that the members of the two first may be restrained from oppression by feeling and participating the public burdens: they should, at fixed periods, be reduced to a private station, return into the mass of the people, and the vacancies be supplied by certain and regular elections, in which all or any part of the former members to be eligible or ineligible, as the rules of the constitution of government and the laws shall direct.
  6. “That elections of representatives in the legislature ought to be free and frequent, and all men having sufficient evidence of permanent common interest with, and attachment to, the community, ought to have the right of suffrage; and no aid, charge, tax, or fee, can be set, rated, or levied, upon the people without their own consent, or that of their representatives so elected; nor can they be bound by any law to which they have not in like manner assented for the public good.
  7. “That all power of suspending laws, or the execution of laws, by any authority, without the consent of the representatives of the people in the legislature, is injurious to their rights, and ought not to be exercised.
  8. “That, in all capital and criminal prosecutions, a man hath a right to demand the cause and nature of his accusation, to be confronted with the accusers and witnesses, to call for evidence, and be allowed counsel in his favor, and a fair and speedy trial by an impartial jury of his vicinage, without whose unanimous consent he cannot be found guilty, (except in the government of the land and naval forces;) nor can he be compelled to give evidence against himself.
  9. “That no freeman ought to be taken, imprisoned, or disseized of his freehold, liberties, privileges, or franchises, or outlawed or exiled, or in any manner destroyed, or deprived of his life, liberty, or property, but by the law of the land.
  10. “That every freeman, restrained of his liberty, is entitled to a remedy to inquire into the lawfulness thereof, and to remove the same if unlawful; and that such remedy ought not to be denied nor delayed.
  11. “That, in controversies respecting property, and in suits between man and man, the ancient trial by jury is one of the greatest securities to the rights of the people, and ought to remain sacred and inviolable.
  12. “That every freeman ought to find a certain remedy, by recourse to the laws, for all injuries and wrongs he may receive in his person, property,or character; he ought to obtain right and justice freely without sale, completely and without denial, promptly and without delay; and that all establishments or regulations contravening these rights are oppressive and unjust.
  13. “That excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
  14. “That every freeman has a right to be secure from all unreasonable searches and seizures of his person, his papers and property; all warrants; therefore, to search suspected places, or to apprehend any suspected person, without specially naming or describing the place or person, are dangerous, and ought not to be granted.
  15. “That the people have a right peaceably to assemble together, to consult for the common good, or to instruct their representatives; and that every freeman has a right to petition or apply to the legislature for redress of grievances.
  16. “That the people have a right to freedom of speech, and of writing and publishing their sentiments that freedom of the press is one of the greatest bulwarks of liberty, and ought not to be violated.
  17. “That the people have a right to keep and bear arms; that a well-regulated militia, composed of the body of the people, trained to arms, is the proper, natural, and safe defence of a free state; that standing armies, in time of peace, are dangerous to liberty, and therefore ought to be avoided, as far as the circumstances and protection of the community will admit; and that. in all cases, the military should be under strict subordination to, and governed by, the civil power.
  18. “That no soldier, in time of peace, ought to be quartered in any house Without the consent of the owner, and in time of war, in such manner only as the laws direct.
  19. “That any person religiously scrupulous of bearing arms ought to be exempted, upon payment of an equivalent to employ another to bear arms in his stead.
  20. “That religion, or the duty which we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can be directed only by reason and conviction, not by force or violence: and therefore all men have an equal, natural, and unalienable right to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience; and that no particular religious sect or society ought to be favored or established by law in preference to others.”

Amendments to the Constitution.

  1. “That each state in the Union shall respectively retain every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Constitution delegated to the Congress of the United States, or to the departments of the federal government.
  2. “That there shall be one representative for every thirty thousand, according to the, enumeration or census mentioned in the Constitution, until the Whole number of representatives amounts to two hundred; after which that number shall be continued or increased as Congress shall direct, upon the principles fixed in the Constitution, by apportioning the representatives of each state to some greater number of the people; from time to time, as the population increases.
  3. “When Congress shall lay direct taxes or excises, they shall, immediately inform the executive power of each state of the quota of such state, according to the census herein directed, which is proposed to be thereby raised; and if the legislature of any state shall pass any law. which shall be effectual for raising such quota at the time required by Congress, the taxes and excises laid by Congress shall not be collected in such state.
  4. “That the members of the Senate and House of Representatives shall be ineligible to, and incapable of holding, any civil office under the authority of the United States, during the time for which they shall respectively be elected.
  5. “That the Journals of the proceedings of the Senate and House of Representatives shall be published at least once in every year, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy.
  6. “That a regular statement and account of receipts and expenditures of all public moneys shall be published at least once in every year.
  7. “That no commercial treaty shall be ratified without the concurrence of two thirds of the whole number of the members of the Senate. And no treaty, ceding, contracting, restraining, or suspending, the territorial rights or claims of the United States, or any of them, or their, or any of their, rights or claims of fishing in the American seas, or navigating the American rivers, shall be made, but in cases of the most urgent and extreme necessity; nor shall any such treaty be ratified without the concurrence of three fourths of the whole number of the members of both houses respectively.
  8. “That no navigation law, or law regulating commerce, shall be passed without the consent of two thirds of the members present in both houses:
  9. “That no standing army or regular troops shall be raised or kept up in time of peace, without the consent of two thirds of the members present in both houses.
  10. “That no soldier shall be enlisted for any longer term than four years, except in time of war, and then for no longer term than the continuance of the war.
  11. “That each state respectively shall have the power to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining its own militia; whensoever: Congress shall omit or neglect to provide for the same; that the militia shall not be subject to martial law, except when in actual service in time of war, invasion, or rebellion; and when not in the actual service of the United States, shall be subject only to such fines, penalties, and punishments, as shall be directed or inflicted by the laws of its own state.
  12. “That Congress shall not declare any state to be in rebellion, without the consent of at least two thirds of all the members present, in both houses.
  13. “That the exclusive power of legislation given to Congress Over the federal town and its adjacent district, and other places purchased or to be purchased by Congress of any of the states, shall extend only to such regulations as respect the police and good government thereof.
  14. “That no person shall be capable of being President of the United States for more than eight years in any term of fifteen years.
  15. “That the judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one. Supreme Court, and in such courts of admiralty as Congress may from time to time ordain and establish in any of the different states. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other foreign ministers, and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the united States shall be a party; to controversies between two or more states, and between parties claiming lauds under the grants of different states. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other foreign ministers, and consuls, and those in which a state shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction as to matters of law only, except in eases of equity, and of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction, in which the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations, as the Congress shall make: but the judicial power of the United States shall extend to no case where the cause of action shall have originated before the ratification of this Constitution, except in disputes between states about their territory, disputes between persons claiming lands under the grants of different, states, and suits for debts due to the United States.
  16. “That, in criminal prosecutions, no man shall be restrained in the exercise of the usual and accustomed tight of challenging or excepting to the jury.
  17. “That Congress shall not alter, modify, or interfere in, the times, places, or manner, of holding elections for senators and representatives, or either of them, except when the legislature of any state shall neglect, refuse, or be disabled, by invasion or rebellion, to prescribe the same.
  18. “That those clauses which declare that Congress shall not exercise certain powers he not interpreted in any manner whatsoever to extend the power of Congress; but that they be construed either as making exceptions to the specified powers where this shall be the case, or otherwise as inserted merely for greater caution.
  19. “That the laws ascertaining the compensation of senators and representatives for their services, be postponed in their operation until after the election of representatives immediately succeeding the passing thereof, that excepted which shall first be passed on the subject.
  20. “That some tribunal other than the Senate be provided for trying impeachments of senators.
  21. “That the salary of a judged shall not be increased or diminished during his continuance in office, otherwise than by general regulations of salary, which may take place on a revision of the subject at stated periods of not less than seven years, to commence froth the time such salaries shall be first ascertained by Congress.
  22. “That Congress erect no company of merchants with exclusive advantages of commerce.
  23. “That no treaties which shall be directly opposed to the existing laws of the United States in Congress assembled shall be valid until such laws shall be repealed, or made conformable to such treaty; nor shall any treaty be valid which is contradictory to the Constitution of the United States.
  24. “What the latter part of the 5th paragraph of the 9th section of the 1st article be altered to read thus: ‘Nor shall vessels hound to a particular state be obliged to enter or pay duties in any other; nor, when bound from any one of the states, be obliged to clear in another.’
  25. “That Congress shall not, directly or indirectly; either by themselves or through the judiciary, interfere with any one of the states in the redemption of paper money already emitted and now in circulation, or in liquidating and discharging the public securities of any one of the states; but each and every state shall have the exclusive right of making such laws and regulations, for the above purposes, as they shall think proper.
  26. “That Congress shall not introduce foreign troops into the United States without the consent of two thirds of the members present of both houses.”

Mr. SPENCER then moved that the report of the committee be concurred with, and was seconded by Mr. J. M’DOWALL.

Mr. IREDELL moved that the consideration of that motion be postponed, in order to take into consideration the following resolution:

[Which resolution was the same he introduced before, and which he afterwards, in substance, moved by way of amendment.]

This gave rise to a very warm altercation on both sides, during which the house was in great confusion. Many gentlemen in the majority (particularly Mr. WILLIE JONES) strongly contended against the propriety of the motion. Several gentlemen in the minority resented, in strong terms, the arbitrary attempt of the majority (as they termed it) to suppress their sentiments; and Mr. SPAIGHT, in particular, took notice, with great indignation, of the motion made to concur with the committee, when the gentleman from Edenton appeared in some measure to have had the faith of the house that he should have an opportunity to renew his motion, which he had withdrawn at the request of some of the majority themselves. Mr. WHITMILL HILL spoke with great warmth, and declared that, in his opinion, if the majority persevered in their tyrannical attempt, the minority should secede.

Mr. WILLIE JONES still contended that the motion was altogether irregular and improper, and made a motion calculated to show that such a motion, made and seconded under the circumstances in which it had been introduced, was not entitled to be entered on the Journal. His motion, being seconded, was carried by a great majority. The yeas and nays were moved for, and were taking, when Mr. IREDELL arose, and said he was sensible of the irregularity he was guilty of, and hoped he should be excused for it, but it arose from his desire of saving the house trouble; that Mr. Jones (he begged pardon for naming him) had proposed an expedient to him, with which he should be perfectly satisfied, if the house approved of it, as it was indifferent to him what was the mode, if his object in substance was obtained. The method proposed was, that the motion for concurrence should be withdrawn, and his resolution should be moved by way of an amendment. If the house, therefore, approved of this method, and the gentlemen who had moved and seconded the motion would agree to withdraw it, he hoped it would be deemed unnecessary to proceed with the yeas and nays.

Mr. NATHAN BRYAN said, the gentleman treated the majority with contempt. Mr. IREDELL declared he had no such intention; but as the yeas and nays were taken on a difference between both sides of the house, which he hoped might be accommodated, he thought he might be excused for the liberty he had taken.

Mr. SPENCER and Mr. M’DOWALL, after some observations not distinctly heard, accordingly withdrew their motion; and it was agreed that the yeas and nays should not be taken, nor the motion which occasioned them entered on the Journal. Mr. IREDELL then moved as follows, viz.:—

That the report of the committee be amended, by striking out all the words of the said report except the two first, viz.: “Resolved, That,” and that the following words be inserted in their room, viz.:—”this Convention, having fully deliberated on the Constitution proposed for the future government of the United States of America by the Federal Convention lately held, at Philadelphia, on the 17th day of September last, and having taken into their serious and solemn consideration the present critical situation of America, which induces them to be of opinion that, though certain amendments to the said Constitution may be wished for, yet that those amendments should be proposed subsequent to the ratification on the part of this state, and not previous to it:—they do, therefore, on behalf of the state of North Carolina, and the good people thereof, and by virtue of the authority to the, delegated, ratify the said Constitution on the part of this state; and they do at the same time recommend that, as early as possible, the following amendments to the said Constitution may be proposed for the consideration and adoption of the several states in the Union, in one of the modes prescribed by the 5th article thereof:”—

Amendments.

  1. “Each state in the Union shall respectively retain every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Constitution delegated to the Congress of the United States, or to the departments of the general government; nor shall the said Congress, nor any department of the said government, exercise any act of authority over any individual in any of the said states, but such as can be justified under some power particularly given in this Constitution; but the said Constitution shall be considered at all times a solemn Instrument, defining the extent of their authority, and the limits of which they cannot rightfully in any instance exceed.
  2. “There shall be one representative for every thirty thousand, according to the enumeration or census mentioned in the Constitution, until the whole number of representatives amounts to two hundred; after which, that number shall be continued or increased, as Congress shall direct, upon the principles fixed in the Constitution, by apportioning the representatives of each state to some greater number of people, from time to time, as the population increases.
  3. “Each state respectively shall have the power to provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, its own militia, whensoever Congress shall omit or neglect to provide for the same. The militia shall not be subject to martial law, except when in actual service in time of war, invasion, or rebellion; and when they are not in the actual service of the United States, they shall be subject only to such fines, penalties, and punishments, as shall be directed or inflicted by the laws of its own state.
  4. “The Congress shall not alter, modify, or interfere in the times, places, or manner, of holding elections for senators and representatives, or either of them, except when the legislature of any state shall neglect, refuse, or be disabled by invasion or rebellion, to prescribe the same.
  5. “The laws ascertaining the compensation of senators and representatives, for their services, shall be postponed in their operation until after the election of representatives immediately succeeding the passing thereof; that excepted which shall first be passed on the subject.
  6. “Instead of the following words in the 9th section of the 1st article, viz., ‘Nor shall vessels bound to or from one state be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties, in another,’ [the meaning of which is by many deemed not sufficiently explicit,] it is proposed that the following shall be substituted: ‘No vessel bound to one state shall be obliged to enter or pay duties, to which such vessel may be liable at any port of entry, in any other state than that to which such vessel is bound; nor shall any vessel bound from one state be obliged to clear, or pay duties to which such vessel shall be liable at any port of clearance, in any other state than that from which such vessel is bound.’”

He was seconded by Mr. JOHN SKINNER.

The question was then put, “Will the Convention adopt that amendment or not?” and it was negatived; whereupon Mr. IREDELL moved that the yeas and nays should be taken, and he was seconded by Mr. STEELE. They were accordingly taken, and were as follows:—

Yeas.

His excellency, Samuel Johnston, President.

Messrs. Ja’s Iredell, Edmund Blount, Thomas Hunter, Thomas Hervey,
Archibald Maclaine, Chowan. Gates. John Skinner
Nathan Keas, Henry Abbot, Thomas Wyns, Samuel Harrel,
John G. Blount, Isaac Gregory, Abraham Jones, Joseph Leech,
Thomas Alderson, Peter Dauge, John Eborne, Wm. Bridges,
John Johnson, Charles Grandy, James Jasper, Wm. Burden
Charles M’Dowall, John Willis, John Sloan, Simeon Spruil
Richard D. Spaight, John Cade, John Moore, David Tanner,
William J. Dawson, Elias Barnes, William Maclaine, Whitmill Hill,
James Porterfield, Neil Brown, Nathan Mayo, Benjamin Smith,
Wm. Barry Grove, James Winchester, William Slade, John Sitgreaves,
George Elliott, William Stokes, William M’Kenzie, Nathaniel Allen
Wallis Styron, Thomas Stewart, Robert Erwin, Thomas Owen
William Shepperd, Josiah Collins, John Lane, George Wyns,
Carteret. Thomas Hines, Thomas Reading David Perkins
James Philips, Nathaniel Jones, Edward Everagain, Joseph Ferebee,
John Humphreys, John Steele, Enoch Rolfe, Wm. Ferebee,
Michael Payne, William R. Davie, Devotion Davis, Wm. Baker,
Charles Johnston, Joseph Reddick William Skinner, Abner Neale
Stephen Cabarrus, James Gregory, Joshua Skinner, 84

Nays.

Messrs. Willie Jones, Wm. Fort, John Dunkin, Thomas Tyson,
Samuel Spencer, Etheld. Gray, David Dodd, W. Martin
Lewis Lanier, Wm. Lancaster, Curtis Ivey, Thomas Hunter
Thomas Wade, Thomas Sherrod, Lewis Holmes, Martin.
Daniel Gould, John Norward, Richard Clinton, John Graham,
James Bonner, Sterling Dupree, H. Holmes Wm. Loftin,
Alexius M. Foster, Robert Williams, Robert Alison, Wm. Kindal,
Lewis Dupree, Richard Moye, James Stewart, Thomas Usscry,
Thomas Brown, Arthur Forbes, John Tipton Thomas Butler,
James Greenlee, David Caldwell, John Macon, John Bentford
Joseph M’Dowall, Wm. Goudy, Thomas Christmass, James Vaughan,
Robert Miller, Daniel Gillespie, H. Monfort Robert Peebles,
Benjamin Williams, John Anderson Wm. Taylor James Vinson
Richard Nixon, John Hamilton, James Hanley, Wm. S. Marnes,
Thomas Armstrong, Thomas Person, Britain Saunders, Howell Ellin
Alex M’Allister, Joseph Taylor, Wm. Lenoir, Redman Bunn,
Robert Dickens, Thornton Yancey, R. Allen, John Bonds,
George Roberts, Howell Lewis, Jun., John Brown, David Prdgen,
John Womack, E. Mitchell, Joseph Herndon, Daniel Yates,
Ambrose Ramsey, George Moore, James Fletcher, Thomas Johnston,
James Anderson, George Ledbetter, Lemuel Burkit, John Spicer
Jos. Stewart, Wm. Porter Wm. Little, A. Tatom,
Wm. Vestal, Zebedee Wood, Thomas King, Alex. Mebane,
Thomas Evans, Edmund Waddell, Nathan Bryan, Wm. Mebane,
Thomas Hardiman, James Galloway, John H. Bryan, Wm. M’Cauley,
Robert Weakly, J. Regan, Edward Whitty, Wm. Sheperd,
Wm. Donnelson, Joseph Winston, Robert Alexander, Orange.
Wm. Dobins, James Gains, James Johnson, Jonathan Linley,
Robert Diggs, Charles M’Annelly, John Cox, Wyatt Hawkins,
Bythel Bell, Absalom Bostick, John Carrel, James Payne,
Elisha Battle, John Scott, Cornelius Doud, John Graves,
John Blair, Charles Ward, Wm. Wootten, James Roddy,
Joseph Tipton, Wm. Randal, John Branch, Samuel Cain,
Wm. Bethell, Frederick Harget, Henry Hill, B. Covington
Abraham Phillips, Richard M’Kinnie, Andrew Bass, J. M’Dowall, Jun.,
John May, John Cains, Joseph Boon, Durham Hall
Charles Galloway, Jacob Leonard, Wm. Farmer, Jas Bloodworth,
James Boswell, Thomas Carson, John Bryan, Joel Lane,
John M’Allister, Richard Singleton, Edward Williams, James Hinton,
David Looney, James Whitside, Francis Oliver, Thomas Devane,
John Sharpe, Caleb Phifer, Matthew Brooks, James Brandon,
Joseph Gaitier, Zachias Wilson, Griffith Rutherford, Wm. Dickson,
John A. Campbell, Joseph Douglass, Geo. H Barringer, Burwell Mooring,
John P. Williams, Thomas Dougan, Timo. Bloodworth, Matthew Locke,
Wm. Marshall, James Kenan, Everet Pearce, Stokely Donelson.
Charles Robertson, John Jones, Asahel Rawlins, 184.
James Gillespie, Egbert Haywood, James Wilson.

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Contents

General Overview

In 1787 and 1788, following the Constitutional Convention, a great debate took place throughout America over the Constitution that had been proposed.

In-Doors Debate

View in-depth studies of the Massachusetts, Virginia, and New York state ratifying conventions.

The Federal Pillars

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The Stages of Ratification: An Interactive Timeline

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Interactive Ratification Map

View interactive maps showing the breakdown of Federalist-Antifederalist strength at the state level during the Ratification debate.

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