[Received April 17 – 5:05 p. m.]

From Hurley. I concluded conference with Marshal Stalin and Foreign Minister Molotov on the night of 15 April. Ambassador Harriman was present and participated. I recited for Stalin, in the presence of Molotov, my analysis of Molotov’s former statement on the Soviet’s attitude toward the Chinese Communist Armed Party and the Chinese National Government. My analysis was briefly as follows: Molotov said at the former conference that the Chinese Communists are not in fact Communists at all. Their purpose is to procure what they consider necessary and just reformations in China. The Soviet is not supporting the Chinese Communist Party. The Soviet does not desire internal dissensions or civil war in China. The Soviet Government desires closer and more harmonious relations with China. The Soviet is intensely interested in what is happening in Sinkiang and other places and will insist that the Chinese Government prevent discrimination against Soviet nationals. Molotov assented to my analysis of my former conference with him. I then outlined for Stalin and Molotov the existing relations between the Communist Armed Party in China and the National Government. I stated frankly that I had been instrumental in instituting conferences and negotiations between the National Government and the Chinese Communist Party. I briefly outlined the negotiations, the progress made and the present status. I told Stalin that the Chinese Communist Party and the National Government of China both claimed to adhere to the principles of Dr. Sun Yat-sen for the establishment in China of a government of the people, by the people and for the people. I told him that both the Chinese Communist Party and the National Government are strongly anti-Japanese and it is the purpose of both to drive the invader from China. There are unquestionably issues between the Communist Party of China and the National Government but both are seeking the same major objectives, namely, the defeat of Japan and the establishment of a united, free, democratic government in China. Many differences do exist between the two parties on details because of past conflicts. I made it plain that the United States is insisting that China furnish its own leadership, make its own decisions and be responsible for its own policies. With this in mind the United States had (1) supported all efforts for the unification of the armed forces of China and (2) endorsed China’s aspirations to establish a free, united, democratic government in China. I told him that President Roosevelt had authorized me to confer with Prime Minister Churchill on this subject and that we had obtained from Prime Minister Churchill and Foreign Secretary Eden complete concurrence in the policy for the unification of all armed forces in China for the defeat of Japan and the endorsement of China’s aspirations to establish for herself a free, united, democratic government. To promote the foregoing program it had been decided to support the National Government of China under the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek. Stalin stated frankly that the Soviet Government would support the policy. He added that he would be glad to cooperate with the United States and Britain in achieving unification of the military forces in China. He spoke favorably of Chiang Kai-shek and said that while there had been corruption among certain officials of the National Government of China he knew that Chiang Kai-shek was “selfless”, a “patriot” and that the Soviet in times past had befriended him.

I then related to Stalin and Molotov the request made by the Chinese Communists for representation at the San Francisco Conference, I told them that before leaving China I had advised the Chinese Communists that the Conference at San Francisco was to be a conference of governments and not of political parties and that I had advised the Communists to request representation at San Francisco through the National Government of the Republic of China. I told him that this decision had been upheld by President Roosevelt and that the President had advised Chiang Kai-shek of the advisability of the National Government’s permitting the Chinese Communist Party to be represented on the Chinese National Government’s Delegation to the Conference at San Francisco. I told the Marshal that it was a very hopeful sign when Chiang Kai-shek offered a place on the delegation to San Francisco to a Chinese Communist and that the appointment had been accepted. I told Stalin that I thought it was very hopeful that a leading member of the Chinese Communist Party would be a delegate of the Chinese National Government at San Francisco. Stalin agreed that this development was very significant and he approved. I told him that President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill had indicated their approval of the policy outlined. The Marshal was pleased and expressed his concurrence and said in view of the overall situation he wished us to know that we would have his complete support in immediate action for the unification of the armed forces of China with full recognition of the National Government under the leadership of Chiang Kai-shek. In short, Stalin agreed unqualifiedly to America’s policy in China as outlined to him during the conversation.

New subject. President Roosevelt briefed me on another subject on which I was to confer with Stalin. Stalin asked me if I was familiar with the subject. I answered in the affirmative. He then asked me if Chiang Kai-shek had been advised by me. I replied in the negative. He then indicated that he had agreed with President Roosevelt that when the time came for discussions with Chiang Kai-shek that they would be instituted by me. A full discussion of this subject followed but I suggest that you get the details and the decisions reached from Ambassador Harriman who is now en route to Washington. In the conference with Stalin and Molotov and in all others matters, Harriman’s cooperation and general helpfulness were of great value. [Hurley.]