Goldwater’s candidacy represented the coalescing of several conservative social movements that united behind his nomination in 1964. Such movements included Goldwaterites, traditionalists, and neo-conservatives. Some of these groups were reacting to the New Deal, while others represented a rejection of Johnson’s Great Society programs.
Regionally, the conservative movement was strongest in the West: Goldwater, a Westerner himself, shared with other Westerners a fear and resentment of the growing power of the federal government to interfere with economic and social life. He and his followers also disliked the treatment of small businessmen by government bureaucrats and they espoused a libertarian view of economics and social policy. Goldwater was also staunchly pro-military, believing that Communism and the Soviet Union posed a direct threat to the future of the United States. Although Goldwater was thoroughly defeated in the election, he succeeded in rejecting the conservatism of the post–New Deal Era that largely agreed with liberal policies or at best criticized them only at the margins.
Goldwater’s candidacy reflected a change in the makeup of the Republican Party. LBJ and the revival of liberalism gave rise to a new kind of conservative social movement, one more devoted to ideology than to party but willing to make a national party its instrument. This movement politics that was passionately devoted to right-wing ideology had attempted to spread its influence for some time. But it was in 1964 that these social movements saw their greatest victory in the nomination of Goldwater, who stood for ideas, not the same failed policies of the previous years. The conservative social movements saw in his nomination the fruition of years of hard work and effort. Moreover, Goldwater’s nomination would begin the Republican Party’s slow turn to the ideological right-wing. In contrast, liberal social movements inspired by the counterculture and opposition to the Vietnam War made a liberal version of movement politics a powerful force in the Democratic Party in 1968.
Source: Address Accepting the Presidential Nomination at the Republican National Convention in San Francisco, July 16, 1964. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project.
… Rather than useful jobs in our country, people have been offered bureaucratic “make work,” rather than moral leadership, they have been given bread and circuses, spectacles, and, yes, they have even been given scandals. Tonight there is violence in our streets, corruption in our highest offices, aimlessness among our youth, anxiety among our elders and there is a virtual despair among the many who look beyond material success for the inner meaning of their lives. Where examples of morality should be set, the opposite is seen. Small men, seeking great wealth or power, have too often and too long turned even the highest levels of public service into mere personal opportunity.
Now, certainly, simple honesty is not too much to demand of men in government. We find it in most. Republicans demand it from everyone. They demand it from everyone no matter how exalted or protected his position might be. The growing menace in our country tonight, to personal safety, to life, to limb and property, in homes, in churches, on the playgrounds, and places of business, particularly in our great cities, is the mounting concern, or should be, of every thoughtful citizen in the United States.
Security from domestic violence, no less than from foreign aggression, is the most elementary and fundamental purpose of any government, and a government that cannot fulfill that purpose is one that cannot long command the loyalty of its citizens. History shows us— demonstrates that nothing – nothing prepares the way for tyranny more than the failure of public officials to keep the streets from bullies and marauders.
Now, we Republicans see all this as more, much more, than the rest: of mere political differences or mere political mistakes. We see this as the result of a fundamentally and absolutely wrong view of man, his nature and his destiny. Those who seek to live your lives for you, to take your liberties in return for relieving you of yours, those who elevate the state and downgrade the citizen must see ultimately a world in which earthly power can be substituted for divine will, and this Nation was founded upon the rejection of that notion and upon the acceptance of God as the author of freedom.
Those who seek absolute power, even though they seek it to do what they regard as good, are simply demanding the right to enforce their own version of heaven on earth. And let me remind you, they are the very ones who always create the most hellish tyrannies. Absolute power does corrupt, and those who seek it must be suspect and must be opposed. Their mistaken course stems from false notions of equality, ladies and gentlemen. Equality, rightly understood, as our founding fathers understood it, leads to liberty and to the emancipation of creative differences. Wrongly understood, as it has been so tragically in our time, it leads first to conformity and then to despotism.
Fellow Republicans, it is the cause of Republicanism to resist concentrations of power, private or public, which enforce such conformity and inflict such despotism. It is the cause of Republicanism to ensure that power remains in the hands of the people. And, so help us God, that is exactly what a Republican president will do with the help of a Republican Congress.
It is further the cause of Republicanism to restore a clear understanding of the tyranny of man over man in the world at large. It is our cause to dispel the foggy thinking which avoids hard decisions in the illusion that a world of conflict will somehow mysteriously resolve itself into a world of harmony, if we just don’t rock the boat or irritate the forces of aggression—and this is hogwash.
… We Republicans see in our constitutional form of government the great framework which assures the orderly but dynamic fulfillment of the whole man, and we see the whole man as the great reason for instituting orderly government in the first place.
We see, in private property and in economy based upon and fostering private property, the one way to make government a durable ally of the whole man, rather than his determined enemy. We see in the sanctity of private property the only durable foundation for constitutional government in a free society. And beyond that, we see, in cherished diversity of ways, diversity of thoughts, of motives and accomplishments. We do not seek to lead anyone’s life for him—we seek only to secure his rights and to guarantee him opportunity to strive, with government performing only those needed and constitutionally sanctioned tasks which cannot otherwise be performed.
We Republicans seek a government that attends to its inherent responsibilities of maintaining a stable monetary and fiscal climate, encouraging a free and a competitive economy and enforcing law and order. Thus do we seek inventiveness, diversity, and creativity within a stable order, for we Republicans define government’s role where needed at many, many levels, preferably through the one closest to the people involved.
Our towns and our cities, then our counties, then our states, then our regional contacts – and only then, the national government. That, let me remind you, is the ladder of liberty, built by decentralized power. On it also we must have balance between the branches of g