According to Mason, what is the predominant view among delegates regarding the structure of the government? In what ways does this proposal differ from the framework established by the Articles of Confederation?
Mason emphasizes the need for "coolness, liberality, and candor" to overcome the difficulties of organizing the new government. What does this suggest about the role and need for compromise throughout the Convention? Provide several other examples of compromise from the Convention to support your view.
Introduction
This letter is part of a collection of letters written at the beginning of the Constitutional Convention. You can find a list of all letters in this collection here.
The Constitutional Convention was scheduled to begin on May 14, 1787, but on that date only eight delegates, four from Pennsylvania and four from Virginia, had arrived in Philadelphia. Lacking the necessary quorum, the delegates adjourned until a sufficient number of states were in attendance. As reflected in several of these letters, those who arrived promptly expressed frustration with the delays caused by the absence of other delegates.
By May 17, the remaining members of the Virginia delegation had assembled and began drafting the Virginia Plan. As delegates from other states gradually arrived throughout the following weeks, the Virginia delegation shared its proposal, establishing a foundation for the state’s active role in the Convention proceedings. While Virginia sought to build momentum, some states grew apprehensive of the Virginia Plan. George Read, a delegate from Delaware, shared concerns in private correspondence with a fellow delegate, writing, “I suspect it to be of importance to the small States that their deputies should keep a strict watch upon the movements and propositions from the larger States, who will probably combine to swallow up the smaller ones by addition, division, or impoverishment.” Although official proceedings would not begin for several more days, Read foreshadowed tensions that would grow in the early debates.
Enough states were represented by May 25 to meet the quorum, allowing official Convention proceedings to begin. The delegates first elected George Washington as president and William Jackson as secretary. Within the initial days, the Committee of Rules established ten rules for the Convention, including the notable secrecy rule which stipulated that “nothing spoken in the house be printed, or otherwise published or communicated without leave.” This rule was intended to “secure unbiased discussion…and prevent misconceptions;” however, delegates varied in their adherence to this rule in private correspondence. Still, as suggested by Act I letters, correspondence sent before the secrecy rule provided more detailed accounts of the Convention than those sent afterward.
On May 29, Edmund Randolph formally introduced the Virginia Plan to the Convention as a proposal to revise theArticles of Confederation. While the plan featured fifteen points, three key elements included: excluding states from roles in representation and elections; significantly reducing state powers in favor of expanding Congressional authority; and establishing a national government with legislative, executive and judicial branches, those in the legislative and executive branches serving specified terms. Over the following weeks, extensive discussion and debates led delegates to recognize that the Convention would extend longer than initially anticipated. They also began to realize that simply revising the Articles of Confederation would not be an adequate solution to the nation’s challenges.
As later Act I letters indicate, the delegates remained optimistic despite prolonged debates. They believed that an agreement would ultimately develop, resulting in a new framework for the national government that would strengthen federal authority, and ensure political and economic stability, while fostering greater unity among the states.
—Michelle Alderfer
“George Mason to George Mason, Jr.,” May 20, 1787. In The Records of the Federal Convention of 1787, Volume III, edited by Max Farrand. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1911. https://www.loc.gov/resource/llscdam.llfr003/?st=gallery.
Upon our arrival here on Thursday evening, seventeenth May, I found only the States of Virginia and Pennsylvania fully represented; and there are at this time only five — New York, the two Carolinas, and the two before mentioned. All the States, Rhode Island excepted, have made their appointments; but the members drop in slowly; some of the deputies from the Eastern States are here, but none of them have yet a sufficient representation, and it will probably be several days before the Convention will be authorized to proceed to business. The expectations and hopes of all the Union centre in this Convention. God grant that we may be able to concert effectual means of preserving our country from the evils which threaten us.
The Virginia deputies (who are all here) meet and confer together two or three hours every day, in order to form a proper correspondence of sentiments; and for form’s sake, to see what new deputies are arrived, and to grow into some acquaintance with each other, we regularly meet every day at three o’clock. These and some occasional conversations with the deputies of different States, and with some of the general officers of the late army (who are here upon a general meeting of the Cincinnati), are the only opportunities I have hitherto had of forming any opinion upon the great subject of our mission, and, consequently, a very imperfect and indecisive one. Yet, upon the great principles of it, I have reason to hope there will be greater unanimity and less opposition, except from the little States, than was at first apprehended. The most prevalent idea in the principal States seems to be a total alteration of the present federal system, and substituting a great national council or parliament, consisting of two branches of the legislature, founded upon the principles of equal proportionate representation, with full legislative powers upon all the subjects of the Union; and an executive: and to make the several State legislatures subordinate to the national, by giving the latter the power of a negative upon all such laws as they shall judge contrary to the interest of the federal Union. It is easy to foresee that there will be much difficulty in organizing a government upon this great scale, and at the same time reserving to the State legislatures a sufficient portion of power for promoting and securing the prosperity and happiness of their respective citizens; yet with a proper degree of coolness, liberality and candor (very rare commodities by the bye), I doubt not but it may be effected. There are among a variety some very eccentric opinions upon this great subject; and what is a very extraordinary phenomenon, we are likely to find the republicans, on this occasion, issue from the Southern and Middle States, and the anti-republicans from the Eastern; however extraordinary this may at first seem, it may, I think be accounted for from a very common and natural impulse of the human mind. Men disappointed in expectations too hastily and sanguinely formed, tired and disgusted with the unexpected evils they have experienced, and anxious to remove them as far as possible, are very apt to run into the opposite extreme; and the people of the Eastern States, setting out with more republican principles, have consequently been more disappointed than we have been. . . .
Next Document
Northwest Ordinance
July 13, 1787
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