Letter from George Mason to George Mason Jr. (1787): The Virginia Plan and Secrecy

Image: George Mason. New York Public Library Digital Collections. The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Print Collection, https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47da-2598-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99
How does Mason compare the Constitutional Convention to the struggle for independence in terms of motivations, implications, and potential outcomes?
Why might some delegates feel it is necessary to share information despite the Convention's rules and secrecy? What challenges might these rules pose to delegates attempting to promote their proposals to their respective state legislatures?
Introduction

Introduction for Act I: The Alternative Plans

 

This letter is part of a collection of letters written at the beginning of the Constitutional Convention.  You can find a list of all letters in this collection here.

The Constitutional Convention was scheduled to begin on May 14, 1787, but on that date only eight delegates, four from Pennsylvania and four from Virginia, had arrived in Philadelphia. Lacking the necessary quorum, the delegates adjourned until a sufficient number of states were in attendance. As reflected in several of these letters, those who arrived promptly expressed frustration with the delays caused by the absence of other delegates.

By May 17, the remaining members of the Virginia delegation had assembled and began drafting the Virginia Plan. As delegates from other states gradually arrived throughout the following weeks, the Virginia delegation shared its proposal, establishing a foundation for the state’s active role in the Convention proceedings. While Virginia sought to build momentum, some states grew apprehensive of the Virginia Plan. George Read, a delegate from Delaware, shared concerns in private correspondence with a fellow delegate, writing, “I suspect it to be of importance to the small States that their deputies should keep a strict watch upon the movements and propositions from the larger States, who will probably combine to swallow up the smaller ones by addition, division, or impoverishment.” Although official proceedings would not begin for several more days, Read foreshadowed tensions that would grow in the early debates.

Enough states were represented by May 25 to meet the quorum, allowing official Convention proceedings to begin. The delegates first elected George Washington as president and William Jackson as secretary. Within the initial days, the Committee of Rules established ten rules for the Convention, including the notable secrecy rule which stipulated that “nothing spoken in the house be printed, or otherwise published or communicated without leave.” This rule was intended to “secure unbiased discussion…and prevent misconceptions;” however, delegates varied in their adherence to this rule in private correspondence. Still, as suggested by Act I letters, correspondence sent before the secrecy rule provided more detailed accounts of the Convention than those sent afterward.

On May 29, Edmund Randolph formally introduced the Virginia Plan to the Convention as a proposal to revise the Articles of Confederation. While the plan featured fifteen points, three key elements included: excluding states from roles in representation and elections; significantly reducing state powers in favor of expanding Congressional authority; and establishing a national government with legislative, executive and judicial branches, those in the legislative and executive branches serving specified terms. Over the following weeks, extensive discussion and debates led delegates to recognize that the Convention would extend longer than initially anticipated. They also began to realize that simply revising the Articles of Confederation would not be an adequate solution to the nation’s challenges.

As later Act I letters indicate, the delegates remained optimistic despite prolonged debates. They believed that an agreement would ultimately develop, resulting in a new framework for the national government that would strengthen federal authority, and ensure political and economic stability, while fostering greater unity among the states.


The idea I formerly mentioned to you, before the Convention met, of a great national council, consisting of two branches of the legislature, a judiciary and an executive, upon the principle of fair representation in the legislature, with powers adapted to the great objects of the Union, and consequently a control in these instances, on the State legislatures, is still the prevalent one. Virginia has had the honor of presenting the outlines of the plan, upon which the convention is proceeding; but so slowly that it is impossible to judge when the business will be finished, most probably not before August–festina lente1 may very well be called our motto. When I first came here, judging from casual conversations with gentlemen from the different States, I was very apprehensive that soured and disgusted with the unexpected evils we had experienced from the democratic principles of our governments, we should be apt to run into the opposite extreme and in endeavoring to steer too far from Scylla, we might be drawn into the vortex of Charybdis2, of which I still think there is some danger, though I have the pleasure to find in the convention, many men of fine republican principles. America has certainly, upon this occasion, drawn forth her first characters; there are upon this Convention many gentlemen of the most respectable abilities, and so far as I can discover, of the purest intentions. The eyes of the United States are turned upon this assembly, and their expectations raised to a very anxious degree.

May God grant, we may be able to gratify them, by establishing a wise and just government. For my own part, I never before felt myself in such a situation; and declare I would not, upon pecuniary motives, serve in this convention for a thousand pounds per day. The revolt from Great Britain and the formations of our new governments at that time, were nothing compared to the great business now before us; there was then a certain degree of enthusiasm, which inspired and supported the mind; but to view, through the calm, sedate medium of reason the influence which the establishment now proposed may have upon the happiness or misery of millions yet unborn, is an object of such magnitude, as absorbs, and in a manner suspends the operations of the human understanding, . . . 

All communications of the proceedings are forbidden during the sitting of the Convention; this I think was a necessary precaution to prevent misrepresentations or mistakes; there being a material difference between the appearance of a subject in its first crude and undigested shape, and after it shall have been properly matured and arranged.

Footnotes
  1. 1. Latin expression for “make haste slowly”.
  2. 2. Two female sea monsters from Homer’s Odyssey.
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