Letter from George Washington to David Stuart (1787)

Image: George Washington, Gen (1732-99). Trumbull, John. (1790) Smithsonian Archives. https://siris-artinventories.si.edu/ipac20/ipac.jsp?&menu=search&aspect=Keyword&term=IAP+80180302&index=.NW
What does Washington anticipate will happen when the new government is presented to the public? How do his concerns reflect the broader challenges the delegates faced during the Convention?
Washington believes that establishing a government "to please all is impossible, and to attempt it would be vain." How does this statement reflect challenges faced by the delegates at the Convention, particularly in terms of balancing competing state interests and the variety of delegate’s opinions?
Introduction

This letter is part of our Four-Act Drama, a Constitutional Convention role-playing scheme for educators.  For more information on our comprehensive exhibit on the Constitutional Convention, click here. 

 

Act I concludes with Edmund Randolph’s (1753-1813) introduction of the Virginia Plan, which caused extensive debates and led many delegates to recognize that the Convention would likely last longer than initially anticipated. While this proposal sought to address the nation’s challenges under the Articles of Confederation, it faced considerable opposition. Delegates from Connecticut, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, and Maryland voiced strong criticism of the plan. These delegates not only favored preserving the confederation but also argued that the Convention had overstepped its Congressional mandate by attempting to establish a new national government. The Confederation Congress Authorization, granted on February 21, 1787, had permitted the Convention solely “for the purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation.” By introducing the Virginia Plan, they claimed, the Convention was surpassing the reach of its authority.

Although the Convention approved a version of the Virginia Plan in early June, delegates from smaller states opposed its proposal of proportional representation in both houses of Congress. These delegates instead supported the New Jersey Plan, introduced by William Paterson (1745–1806). This alternate plan retained the principle of state equality from the Articles of Confederation while increasing Congressional authority by granting additional powers. It also provided for a federal executive and a federal judiciary. This led to a significant impasse, with delegates from smaller states supporting the New Jersey Plan and delegates from the larger states continuing to support the Virginia Plan.

For several weeks, the Convention was at a standstill. The secrecy rule, as established in Act I, continued to prevent delegates from disclosing details of the proceedings. However, correspondence from early Act II illustrates delegates’ concerns. Some expressed doubts about the likelihood of reaching a resolution due to the diversity of opinions present, while others described the work as difficult and laborious. Many also reiterated their frustration at the slow pace of the proceedings.

The Convention reached a breakthrough on June 30 when Oliver Ellsworth (1745–1807) of Connecticut introduced the Connecticut Compromise. This motion promoted the idea that the nation was both federal and national in character. The compromise proposed proportional representation in the lower House to reflect the will of the people, and equal representation of states in the upper House to secure state interests. Ellsworth’s proposal helped reconcile the divide between supporters of the Virginia and New Jersey plans by offering a new solution for delegates.

Ellsworth’s motion helped move the Convention forward by providing a new option for delegates and alleviating the weeks-long stalemate. To explore the impact of the proposed legislative structure on the nation, the Gerry Committee was formed, consisting of one delegate from each state in attendance. The committee presented its findings on July 5, leading to another series of debates that concluded on July 16 with the approval of the motion.

Act II letters provide a glimpse inside the closed deliberations of the Convention as delegates grappled with the direction of the national government while balancing their respective state interests. Despite making significant progress during June and July, much work remained for delegates as they continued to shape the nation’s path forward.

—Michelle Adams Alderfer

“From George Washington to David Stuart, 1 July 1787,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://teachingamericanhistory.org/vnjj.


. . . Rhode Island, from our last Accts [still] persevere in that impolitic—unjust—and one might add without much impropriety scandalous conduct, which seems to have marked all her public Councils of late; consequently, no Representation is yet here from thence. New Hampshire, tho’ Delegates have been appointed, is also unrepresented—various causes have been assigned—whether well, or ill-founded I shall not take upon me to decide—The fact however is that they are not here. Political contests, and want of Money, are amidst the reasons assigned for the non-attendance of the members.

As the rules of the Convention prevent me from relating any of the proceedings of it, and the gazettes contain more fully than I could detail other occurrances of public nature, I have little to communicate to you on the article of News. Happy indeed would it be if the Convention shall be able to recommend such a firm and permanent Government for this Union, as all who live under it may be Secure in their lives, liberty and property, and thrice happy would it be, if such a recommendation should obtain. Every body wishes—every body expects some thing from the Convention—but what will be the final result of its deliberation, the book of fate must disclose— Persuaded I am that the primary cause of all our disorders lies in the different State Governments, and in the tenacity of that power which pervades the whole of their systems. Whilst independent sovereignty is so ardently contended for, whilst the local views of each State and seperate interests by which they are too much govern’d will not yield to a more enlarged scale of politicks; incompatibility in the laws of different States, and disrespect to those of the general government must render the situation of this great Country weak, inefficient and disgraceful. It has already done so, almost to the final dissolution of it—weak at home and disregarded abroad is our present condition, and contemptible enough it is.

Entirely unnecessary was it, to offer any apology for the sentiments you were so obliging as to offer me — I have had no wish more ardent . . . than that of knowing what kind of Government is best calculated for us to live under. No doubt there will be a diversity of sentiment on this important subject; and to inform the Judgment, it is necessary to hear all arguments that can be advanced. To please all is impossible, and to attempt it would be vain; the only way therefore is. . . to form such a government as will bear the scrutinizing eye of criticism and trust it to the good sense and patriotism of the people to carry it into effect. Demagogues­—men who are unwilling to lose any of their state consequence —and interested characters in each, will oppose any general government . . . Justice it is to be hoped will at length prevail. . . .

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